Shigeru Yoshida, the great prime minister of post-war Japan and grandfather of Taro Aso, who Hatoyama defeated in the general elections on August 30 to end the Liberal Democratic Party's (LDP) almost uninterrupted rule for over half a century, crafted a pro-America foreign policy out of necessity and in the best interests of the country under occupation of an Allied force commanded by Gen. Douglas A. MacArthur.

The LDP was formed by Hatoyama's grandfather, Ichiro Hatoyama, in 1955, but it was Nobusuke Kishi who renewed a mutual defense treaty with the United States in 1960, the pillar of Japan's foreign policy ever since to best protect the national interest of Japan.

Post-war Japan, even under the anti-Communist Yoshida, turned pro-China when it would better protect its national interest. As a matter of fact, Yoshida insisted on signing a treaty of peace with the People's Republic of China. He was threatened by John Foster Dulles into signing it in Taipei with the Republic of China on Taiwan in 1952. Long before Tokyo normalized relations with Beijing, Japan adhered to its pro-China policy of “politics separated from economics,” under which it offered more than generous financial assistance to the People's Republic for the benefit of the Japanese economy.

There have been changes in the triangular relationship over time. For one thing, the United States can no longer enforce its Pax Americana alone. The People's Republic is a rising economic power, expected to replace Japan as the world's second largest economy next year at the earliest. Junichiro Koizumi clung more closely to Washington in the conviction that it was Japan's best option, but he never gave up his pro-China policy — though he from time to time appeared anti-China — which was followed by his two successors, Shinzo Abe and Yasuo Fukuda. Aso, who looked like an anti-China hawk as foreign minister, tried his best to mend the fence as prime minister. All the while, Tokyo continued to strengthen ties with Washington under its pro-America policy.

The incoming prime minister will stick to the same pro-America policy, albeit he and his mentor Ichiro Ozawa said time and again their Democratic Party of Japan, if it came into power, would distance Tokyo from Washington. Of course, they want some changes. For instance, Japan wants Uncle Sam's support for joining the U.N. Security Council. Washington has only provided lip service, but doesn't truly try to help. Hatoyama and Ozawa do not want Japan to pay more for the deployment of U.S. forces in their country, simply because its national treasury cannot afford to do so. They don't want Washington's objection to an amendment of what is known as the MacArthur Constitution, forced upon the defeated Japan in 1946. Well, all this is 100 percent pro-Japan with changing its pro-America stance.

Hatoyama and company have to improve relations with their giant neighbor. Of course, they are not going to give China any more financial assistance, for Tokyo can't and Beijing doesn't want it with strings attached. China is well-to-do enough to turn it down now.

On the other hand, the pro-China policy Hatoyama has inherited may turn less pro-China, for Japan considers it not in its national interests to play the second fiddle in an emerging free trade zone of Ten-plus-Three in Asia. The Ten are the member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the Three include the People's Republic, Japan and South Korea in that hierarchic order.

The 13 countries were the members of the Great East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere with Imperial Japan as the leader. As a matter of fact, Koizumi advocated the Ten-plus-Three, which is scheduled to come into being in 2011, hoping Japan would play the first fiddle in a born-again co-prosperity sphere in Great Asia where Uncle Sam must be barred.

That's why Hatoyama is trying to develop better relations with ASEAN states and recover the four Kurile Islands from Russia under a new policy of fraternity, which is the motto of his grandfather.

Eisaku Sato, Kishi's sibling brother, recovered the Ryukyu Islands from U.S. occupation in 1972, and was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. Hatoyoma wants to get back Habomai, Kunashiri, Shikotan and Etorofu, all occupied by the Soviets since the end of the Second World War in 1945. He wishes to make Japan's irredentist dream come true.

He also wants to win friendship of ASEAN countries, all of which were once occupied by Japan's imperial army, so that they may have a big brother to turn to if and when they are twisted around Beijing's little finger. One thing he cannot forget to do is to extend fraternity to Taiwan, which is not included in Tokyo's new co-prosperity scheme and which Japan has taken for granted.

Taiwan was a Japanese colony for 50 years. The Japanese believe, with some justification, they helped modernize its colony. They are convinced that the people of Taiwan owe them many a favor, which has to be returned, and Presidents Lee Teng-hui and Chen Shui-bian have lived up to the Japanese expectations.

That has to be changed. Hatoyama and Ozawa cannot treat Taiwan as a banana republic, as Uncle Sam does with full justification. After all, without the American help, there wouldn't have been the Republic of China on Taiwan. But Japan doesn't have any claim of semi- or quasi-suzerainty over Taiwan. Washington at least promises help, if hostilities break out across the Taiwan Strait. Japan cannot, and doesn't want to, offer any help in Taiwan's time of need.

There are two issues between Taiwan and Japan in the post-LDP era that must be settled to their mutual benefit: A free trade agreement (FTA) and joint development of resources in the East China Sea and under waters around the eight uninhabited islet known as the Tiaoyutais, in Chinese, and the Senkakus in Japanese.

It may not be called FTA, but similar arrangements have to be made under whatever title. While Taiwan was a Japanese colony, trade was a domestic one. Taiwan still is one of Japan's top trade partners. Arrangements must be concluded as soon as practicable with either side making concessions if needs be.

The other issue is thornier. Taiwan and the People's Republic claim an exclusive economic zone (EEZ) in the East China Sea, where the Chinese have already started collecting natural gas from under the sea. Japan insists there must be an overlapping of the economic zones. Don't forget it's Taiwan that first tried to explore undersea oil resources in the zone. A trilateral meeting must be called to settle the issue for their common benefit.

Taiwan, China and Japan claim sovereignty over the Tiaoyutais/Senkakus. Japan's maritime defense force is patrolling the waters off the island group, but an initial agreement was reached between Taiwan and Japan to shelve the issue of sovereignty and jointly develop the undersea resources. The Japanese also forbid Taiwan and Chinese fishermen to operate ten miles off the Senkakus. A new modus vivendi must be arranged among Taiwan, Japan and China so that they may jointly develop Tiaoyutai/Senkaku resources.

Fraternity, one of the three slogans in the French Revolution, the other two being liberty and equality, implies treatment of others as friends on an equal footing. Taiwan, though small, is Japan's best friend in many more ways than one. Japan should treat Taiwan as such by signing an FTA or similar arrangement and starting a joint development of the disputed oil resources in their mutual interest.