Vice President Lu, Presidents of the Five Yuans, Ministers, Distinguished Guests, Esteemed Colleagues, Ladies and Gentlemen:

A Happy Double Ten and greetings to you all!

On this very special occasion of our Double Ten National Day, we are gathered under one roof to celebrate our past accomplishments, reflect on our past shortcomings, and meditate in earnest on the course of Taiwan's future development.

You will note that the reviewing stand erected in front of the Presidential Office is different from past years in that it is adorned with a giant banner reading "UN for Taiwan, Peace Forever." This message signifies that our quest to gain entry into the UN will not be abandoned simply because of momentary setbacks. The Government of Taiwan will continue to pursue that goal with unwavering determination.

Sovereign nation

Taiwan is a sovereign nation. Its sovereignty rests in the hands of its 23 million people. Only the people of Taiwan have the right to decide their nation's future. United Nations General Assembly Resolution 2758, passed on October 25, 1971, neither defined Taiwan as a part of the People's Republic of China nor affirmed the proposition that the People's Republic of China has any right to sovereignty over Taiwan. Taiwan and the People's Republic of China are two sovereign, independent nations, and neither exercises jurisdiction over the other. This is a historical fact. This is the status quo across the Taiwan Strait.

The People's Republic of China has neither the right nor the ability to represent the 23 million people of Taiwan. Our people have the right to demand appropriate representation in the United Nations. We have the right to apply for admission to the UN as a new member under the name "Taiwan."

In the past, we have joined Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) under the name "Chinese Taipei," and the World Trade Organization (WTO) using the name "Separate Customs Territory of Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu." Though dissatisfied with this state of affairs, we have reluctantly accepted it in view of practical international realities.

Before 1971, the United Nations was beset with quarreling over the right to represent China. Hence, if we were to once more demand restoration of our UN representation under the name "Republic of China," it would not only constitute a direct challenge to Resolution 2758 but cause us to fall back into the anachronistic mentality of belief in "one China" and Chiang Kai-shek's dictum "Gentlemen do not stand with thieves" [i.e. there can be no conciliation with usurpers]. We would succeed only in making ourselves outcasts in the international community and exacerbating the dangers of isolation.

UN membership

That we have applied for new UN membership under the name "Taiwan" indicates that we do not intend to challenge Resolution 2758 of the UN General Assembly. Nor do we wish to compete with the People's Republic of China for the right to represent China.

This year has seen our first application for UN membership under the name "Taiwan," and although, as expected, our hopes were not realized, Taiwan's membership bid gave rise to unprecedented discussion of the issue in the General Assembly. Representatives of some 140 of the 192 UN member states registered to speak on the question of whether Taiwan's application should be included on this year's General Assembly agenda, and the debate lasted for over four hours. Moreover, media reports on our UN bid were more than four times as many as in last year.

This all goes to show that this year's efforts to join the UN have been a diplomatic success, and have greatly raised Taiwan's visibility in the international community.On behalf of the government and people of Taiwan, I would like to express our heartfelt thanks and highest respect to our diplomatic allies and their leaders for their support and speaking out at the UN General Assembly.

Notwithstanding the importance of the international community's expressions of support in our quest to gain membership in the UN, the decisive factor, after all, is the question of whether the people of Taiwan are united. A recent public opinion poll indicated that 55 percent of Americans think Taiwan should have a seat in the UN. When asked whether they would support UN membership for Taiwan if our forthcoming referendum on entering the United Nations using the name "Taiwan" is passed, another 15 percent, or 70 percent of the respondents, said "yes." This shows just how much the community of free and democratic societies respects the principle of referendum, a universal value and basic human right.

The principle "sovereignty lies in people" is the essence of democracy, and referendum is the most concrete, most direct expression of that principle. In 2003, we passed the first Referendum Act, and, in 2004, we held the first national referendum. In 2005, the Constitution was amended to abolish the National Assembly and empower the people to ratify constitutional amendments through referendum. In 2006, we mothballed the National Unification Council and its Guidelines for National Unification, dispelling the misconception of "ultimate unification" with China as a foregone conclusion, thereby enabling the 23 million people of Taiwan to enjoy the right to decide the future of their nation via referendum.

On September 14 of this year, the Central Election Commission officially announced its approval of a referendum proposal on the recovery of improperly obtained political party assets, to be held on January 12, 2008 in tandem with the legislative elections. And if the petition drive to hold a referendum on applying for UN membership under the name "Taiwan" is successful in gaining enough signatures by the end of October, and is announced valid upon review by relevant government agencies, we can look forward to holding it in conjunction with the upcoming March 22 presidential election.

From encountering initial resistance and opposition to finally being embraced and actively promoted, referendum has become a political process affirmed by both the ruling and opposition parties, and an indispensable part of Taiwan's democracy. Practical utilization of referendum in the past few years, however, has highlighted the absurdity and unreasonableness of the Referendum Act. The act restricts referendum topics, deprives administrative agencies of the right to initiate referendum proposals, and sets excessively high thresholds for referendum petition signatures and passage of referendum proposals.

All this seriously restricts the people and deprives them of the right to be masters of their nation. Moreover, it runs counter to the democratic principle that sovereignty lies in the hands of the people. I earnestly urge the ruling and opposition parties to speedily remedy the flaws in the Referendum Act. I call on them to complete the review of related legal amendments during the current Legislative Yuan session, and change the ridiculous "birdcage" referendum law currently in effect into one that genuinely empowers the people, and the substance of which lives up to its name.Remembering 2-28

This year marks the 60th anniversary of the February 28 Incident as well as the 20th anniversary of the lifting of martial law. Looking back over the past half century of progress on the path to democracy, we see that Taiwan's people have steadily realized their aspirations one after another [from the lifting of martial law, abolition of bans on establishing new political parties and newspapers, and nationalization of the armed forces [to ensure their loyalty to the nation rather than to individuals or political parties], to independence of the judiciary, overhaul of the parliament, direct presidential elections, and the establishment of a referendum system. Moreover, ongoing consolidation and deepening of democracy have ensured freedoms, human rights and well-being of Taiwan's people are continually safeguarded.

Regrettably, however, China, on the other side of the Taiwan Strait, has distortedly portrayed our people's efforts in the pursuit of democracy as moves toward "de jure independence." It has opposed and attempted to suppress all of our democratization efforts. Facts demonstrate that cross-strait problems do not derive from Taiwan, which respects freedom, democracy, and human rights, but from China, which is still under totalitarian, dictatorial rule. This is a reality that the international community must squarely face.

In recent weeks, the global community of democracies has strongly condemned Myanmar's military junta for its cruel suppression of the nation's Buddhist monks and citizens, and expressed the intention to impose sanctions on the regime. As a member of the alliance of nations that champion freedom and democratic values, Taiwan is willing to do its share to help restore democratic order in Myanmar as soon as possible. Infringements of human rights and suppression of democracy are definitely not mere "domestic affairs." While showing its keen concern for developments in Myanmar, the international community should also conscientiously examine China's dismal human rights record as well as its brutal suppression of the freedoms of speech, the press, and religion.

While China's slogan for the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games is "one world, one dream," the international community, for its part, should steadfastly demonstrate its moral fortitude in demanding that China adhere to a "one world, one standard" principle. There can be no double standards when it comes to the universal values of freedom, democracy, human rights, and peace.

The size of nations is irrelevant. The international community should not, in fear of China's military might, demand that Taiwan keep quiet. Nor should it, out of concern for commercial interests, turn a blind eye to China's military intimidation and diplomatic suppression of Taiwan, or to its "united front" economic warfare against Taiwan.

In a speech made in Kyoto in November 2005, U.S. President George W. Bush said, "Free nations are peaceful nations, free nations do not threaten their neighbors, and free nations offer their citizens a hopeful vision for the future. By advancing the cause of liberty throughout this region, we will contribute to the prosperity of all and deliver the peace and stability that can only come with freedom."Commendation from U.S.

President Bush also publicly praised Taiwan's freedom and democracy, describing it as a model for China and other nations. Therefore, the more democratic Taiwan becomes, the more strongly it can exert a "lighthouse effect" for China's democratization, and the more it can contribute to safeguarding security and stability in the Asia-Pacific region. This evolutionary process, moreover, is in line with the common interests of the United States, Japan, and neighboring nations.

With China's rapid rise and relentless military build-up, the "China threat" is no longer confined to confrontation across the Taiwan Strait. In fact, it has already seriously impacted world peace. Members of the international community not only should refuse to join forces with China in suppressing Taiwan's democracy, but should strongly demand that China immediately withdraw missiles deployed along its southeastern coast and targeted at Taiwan, stop military exercises simulating attacks on Taiwan, abolish its so-called anti-secession law, and accelerate political and democratic reforms. We believe that only through China's democratic awakening can there be lasting peace in the world.

Faced with China's ever-more belligerent rhetoric and military intimidation since I took office, I have extended numerous olive branches expressing our desire for peace and conciliation. In return, we have been subjected to Beijing's five-pronged policy of suppression, aimed at denigrating our nation, marginalizing it in the world, cultivating the perception that Taiwan is a local region of China, de-legitimizing its government, and undermining its sovereignty. To safeguard cross-strait and regional security and stability, however, we have never diverged from our fundamental policy of maintaining a firm stance and moving forward pragmatically as the basis for pursuing normalization of Taiwan-China relations.

Between 2000 and 2006, the annual number of visits by Taiwan's people to China increased from 3.11 million to 4.41 million, or an average of more than 12,000 visits per day.

Regarding direct transportation between Taiwan and China, whereas during the 2003 Lunar New Year holidays, Taiwan's air carriers first provided one-way, indirect passenger charter flights, during the 2005 Lunar New Year holidays, air carriers of both sides provided nonstop charter flights. Furthermore, in June 2006, four categories of charter flights were launched [passenger flights during major holidays, special cargo flights, medical emergency flights, and other humanitarian flights].

At present, passenger charter flight services are provided for more than ten weeks a year around the times of major festivals, carrying some 100,000 travelers. Moreover, our people make some 600,000 visits to China every year as part of the "mini-three-links" [direct mail and commercial links are already in place, while direct transportation is only provided between Taiwan's Kinmen, Matsu and Penghu islands and ports in China's Fujian Province]. I believe these transportation arrangements have succeeded in satisfying the demands of Taiwan's citizens who wish to visit China.

These figures are an indication that the importance of political considerations in discussions concerning the "three links" [the aforementioned direct links, but between Taiwan proper and other destinations in China] far exceeds that of satisfying transportation demands. Unless one is willing to totally disregard national security imperatives and abjectly surrender, the three links must evolve in an orderly, gradual manner. Certainly, it is impossible to reach the final goal of opening up free and direct links in one huge leap, or to impose any timeline.

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